"Subjacency Duplexes Do Not Add A Layer Of Meaning To The Structures In Which They Are Involved"

Martin & Doran (2023: 39-40): 

In Chinese on the other hand a subjacency duplex (culminating in de) is commonly used to realise Epithets; and in Tagalog, hypotactic series regularly involve subjacency duplexes (culminating in na).

The differences are the responsibility of realisation statements, not the valeur of the systems themselves. It is in this sense that we argued above that subjacency duplexes do not add a layer of meaning to the structures in which they are involved. 

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, the function of de is explained by Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 314) as follows:

The structure marker 的 de signals that what precedes it modifies (is dependent on) what follows.

and the example provided by the authors, famous, served as Postdeictic, not Epithet — see Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 374). As demonstrated, the subjacency duplex analysis misconstrues de as modifying the Postdeictic, instead of signalling that the Postdeictic modifies the Thing.

[2] To be clear, the authors analysed two different functions of na as if they were the same. In one function, it linked elements of nominal group structure, in the other, it functioned like English that in introducing an embedded defining relational clause serving as the Qualifier of a nominal group. In neither case did na form a subjacency duplex, because it did not modify the other component of the "duplex". In the latter case, the subjacency duplex analysis also misrepresented formal constituency by removing na from the clause in which it serves as structural Theme.

[3] To be clear, Matthiessen (1995: 600-2) proposes a textual system of CULMINATION, at clause rank, as a written mode analogue of spoken mode INFORMATION. The authors, however, just use 'culminating' to mean 'ending', without any acknowledgement of Matthiessen.

[4] To be clear, on the one hand, the structure of a subjacency duplex is purported to represent a hypotactic relation of modification, on the other hand, if a subjacency duplex does not "add a layer of meaning", then, even if it were a valid interpretation, it would not add any explanatory potential to a functional theory. of grammar

Misapplying A Subjacency Duplex Analysis To A Chinese Nominal Group

Martin & Doran (2023: 37):

In Chinese, the structure marker de (noted in McDonald 2017) which commonly links Epithets to following elements in nominal group structure can be analysed along similar lines (Wang 2020; Hao and Wang 2022).

Blogger Comments:

[1] Again, subjacency duplexes were (spuriously) proposed as a means of modelling limited submodification in a nominal group. No argument has been provided as to why they are appropriate to model structure markers.

[2] To be clear, famous serves as a Postdeictic, not Epithet — see Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 374) — and the function of de is explained by Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 314) as follows:

The structure marker 的 de signals that what precedes it modifies (is dependent on) what follows.

So, in this case, de ('of') signals that the Postdeictic zhùmíng ('famous') modifies the Thing zhànqiáo ('pier'), whereas the subjacency duplex analysis misconstrues de as modifying the Postdeictic zhùmíng ('famous').

Moreover, the combination [adjective + de] is not a hypotactic two-unit complex (duplex). On the one hand, de does not modify (subcategorise) the adjective, and on the other hand, the combination does not serve a single function.

And less importantly, to the extent that the term applies, de is a binder, not a linker. since it marks a hypotactic relation, not a paratactic one.